The art-colonies
form
Rupert White
‘Fish Sale on a Cornish Beach’ was first exhibited at the Royal Academy
in London in the summer of 1885. It was the first painting to bring
national recognition to the artist’s colony of Newlyn, and in its
realism and its portrayal of rural life in West Cornwall, it can be seen
as the blueprint for all subsequent Newlyn School painting.
Fish Sale on a Cornish Beach by Stanhope Forbes.
Plymouth Museum.
Stanhope Forbes, its creator, had arrived in Cornwall in 1884, and spent
most of that year working on the canvas outdoors in all weathers. He had
previously studied at the Royal Academy Schools, but like many younger
European and American artists in the 1870s, had fallen under the spell
of progressive French art much of which, rather than being painted in
the artificial light of the studio, was now executed ‘en plein-air’.
Forbes had gone on to study in Paris in 1880, but found that, during the
warmer months there was an exodus of painters to the countryside;
particularly to Brittany where a number of colonies had sprung up. The
most influential of the French artists, like Millet and, later, Bastien
Lepage, preferred to depict remote, unspoilt locations in their work:
'in almost all the places where colonies were established, the artists
fancifully saw their surroundings in terms of a primitive world far
removed from modern civilization…And it was essential that such areas
should be populated by old fashioned peasant and fishing communities'
(Jacobs, 1985).
They were figure painters rather than landscape painters, but their
interest in rural communities was not simply voyeuristic or sentimental;
it also had a political dimension. The rise of socialism across Europe -
in the UK associated with Charterists, the Fabian Society, and artists
like Ruskin and Morris - had led to a reconsideration of the value of
traditional work. In 1853 Ruskin described the plight of the factory
worker thus: It is not that men are ill fed, but that they have no
pleasure in the work by which they make their bread… they feel that the
kind of labour to which they are condemned is verily a degrading one,
and makes them less than men…To feel their souls withering within them,
unthanked, to find their whole being sunk into an unrecognized abyss, to
be counted off into a heap of mechanism numbered with its wheels, and
weighed with its hammer strokes, this nature bade not; this God blesses
not (Ruskin: The Stones of Venice). Tolstoy argued that now, even
the rich viewed their own work as odious: ‘I say odious because I
have never yet met with a person of this class who was contented with
his work, or took as much satisfaction in it as the man who shovels the
snow from his doorstep… (Tolstoy's Confessions).
Both men, influential as they were, saw a return to the land as the
solution to modern man’s ills. Tolstoy, who took to wearing a simple
peasant costume, started a community based on the principles of
self-sufficiency and the simple life, whilst in the 1870’s Ruskin set up
the ‘Guild of St George’, which included rural communities and farms
based on the principle of medieval craft guilds that could provide
alternatives to mass production. His example was later emulated all over
Europe and America (Marsh, 1982).
The peasant communities of Brittany unchanged for centuries, uncorrupted
by industrialisation and apparently contented in their work, must have
therefore exemplified a similar ideal, as highlighted by Jacobs:
Almost all the visitors to Brittany in the nineteenth century viewed the
region in a similar way; and to many the experience of coming here was
like travelling back to the Middle Ages, or even further back in time,
to a primeval era. This fanciful image …had an obvious appeal to artists
who…isolated themselves more and more from their own period, whose
preoccupations with industrialisation disgusted them (Jacobs, 1985).
p.42
Jacobs also asserts that the artists were interested in the Celticism of
Brittany: It was not only the Breton environment which so fascinated
artists, but also the people themselves…first they were not French but
Celts who had come over to France from England to escape the Anglo-Saxon
invasion…there were other aspects of the Bretons which interested
foreign observers, such as their strong folklore tradition and intense
Catholicism…
The Bretons also still wore their national costume, which is much in
evidence in all the paintings completed in the main colonies of Pont-Aven
and Concarneau, not least in those produced by Post-impressionist Paul
Gauguin during the last decades of the century. Gauguin arrived in Pont-Aven
in 1886, and in 1888 wrote: ‘I love Brittany. I find there the
savage, the primitive. When my clogs resound on the granite soil I hear
the muffled dull powerful tone that I seek in my painting’.
Stanhope Forbes, whose boyhood home was in London, had two summers and
autumns painting in Brittany before travelling to Penzance. When he
reached Newlyn, he discovered other painters that had also recently
arrived: Ralph Todd, who had stayed with him in the same hotel in
Quimperlé, and Walter Langley and Edwin Harris, both originally from
Birmingham, who had also painted in Brittany before coming to Cornwall.
The residents of Newlyn did not have had the same ‘picturesque’ costumes
as the Bretons, and Forbes’ first impressions suggest they had other
less endearing qualities: All the men, or nearly all, are teetotalers
and every one of them goes to church or chapel and keeps the seventh day
holy, and the effect of this abstinence from strong drink and indulgence
in strong prayers is to make them a most disagreeable set of people,
full of hypocrisy and cant. (Stanhope Forbes in a letter to his
father).
But by 1898 Forbes was able to look back on his first impressions of
Newlyn with more fondness: The little port was active and
picturesque, and the commerce of the place, carried on under more
primitive conditions, was none the less attractive to an artists
eye….from the first I was fascinated by those wet sands with those
groups of figures reflected on the shiny surface which the auctioneers
bell would gather around him for the barter of his wares…Yes those were
the days of unflinching realism, of the cult of Bastien Lepage. It was
part of our artistic creed to paint our pictures directly from Nature,
and not merely to rely upon sketches and studies which we could
afterwards amplify in the comfort of a studio.
He was already regretting the fact that the village was being modernised:
Alas again many an old house, which made the irregular line along
that uneven cliff still more interesting, has been pulled down and its
place filled by some terribly commonplace modern structure devoid of
character and charm. One cannot help foreseeing a time soon approaching
when the unfortunate painters must needs forsake their native land and
seek refuge in countries where age and beauty are thought worthy of
respect. (Stanhope Forbes (1898))
Given these views, one can only guess at the way in which the Newlyn
painters were regarded by the fishermen, and there is always that
nagging sense that locals were exploited for the entertainment of the
metropolitan bourgeoisie. In one of his first letters from Newlyn (1884)
Forbes referred to the availability of local models, who were paid for
their time: The girls are quite pretty in spite of their rather ugly
costume – sixpence an hour is the tariff – higher than France of course
(Cross, 1994)
‘In Faith and Hope the World will Disagree But all
Mankind’s concern is Charity’. Called ‘Charity’ for short and painted in
1897, by Walter Langley, this painting was singled out for praise by Leo
Tolstoy.
However, the villagers were always depicted sympathetically. It is this
that Tolstoy himself recognised in singling out Walter Langley’s
‘Charity’ for praise in his book ‘What is Art?’ (1898): The boy,
pitifully drawing his bare feet under the bench is eating; the woman is
looking on, probably considering whether he will not want some more; and
a girl of about seven, leaning on her arm, is carefully and seriously
looking on, not taking her eyes from the hungry boy and is evidently
understanding for the first time what poverty is and what inequality
among people is, and asking herself why she has everything provided for
her while this boy goes barefoot and hungry?…One feels that the artist
loved this girl and that she too loves. And this picture, by an artist
who, I think, is not very widely known, is an admirable and true work of
art.
Undoubtedly influenced by its reputation as being a colony like those in
Brittany, more artists arrived in Newlyn in the 1880s. This included
Frank Brambley, who would paint one of the most celebrated and moving
paintings of the Victorian era: ‘A Hopeless Dawn’ (1888), and Elizabeth
Armstrong who, as well as being an accomplished painter would later
marry Forbes.
Armstrong was a Canadian who, in 1882, had stayed in Pont-Aven where she
had met another future ‘Newlyner’, Edwin Harris. She arrived in Newlyn
late in 1885, and in the summer of 1886 went to stay, temporarily, in
the more salubrious surroundings of St Ives, about ten miles north of
Newlyn. St Ives, as well as having white, sandy beaches and crystalline
waters, also had two hotels (The White Hart and The Tregenna Castle),
and since the branch-line had opened in 1877 was rapidly metamorphosing
into a popular holiday resort.
By the mid 1880s artists from all over Europe and America had started to
settle in St Ives. Like the Newlyn painters they were nearly all
veterans of Pont Aven and Concarneau, and saw in St Ives similar
‘picturesque’ qualities. These early St Ives artists, like Émile Vernier,
Edward Simmons, Edith Lees, Adrian and Marianne Stokes, the Swede,
Anders Zorn and the Finn, Helene Scherjbeck, tended to be maritime or
landscape painters rather than figurative painters; many of them taking
spectacular studios in the old fishing (sail) lofts in ‘Downalong’
overlooking Porthmeor Beach, but living in larger houses at the top of
the town. In 1888, the first meeting of St Ives Arts Club took place in
a studio belonging to Australian artist, Louis Grier, and in 1890 a
permanent home was found for the club on Westcott’s Quay close to the
sea-shore.
By the end of the decade it was the Newlyn painters that were receiving
the greatest accolades, however, and after success at the Royal Academy,
in 1889 Stanhope Forbes’ ‘The Health of the Bride’ was bought by Henry
Tate (of the Tate Gallery). Appropriately enough Forbes married
Elizabeth Armstrong the same year. Ten years later the couple, who were
among the few original settlers still living there, started a school of
painting.
In 1895 the Passmore Edward’s Gallery opened specifically to show the
work of Newlyn artists. Stanhope Forbes commented: It was a kind and
generous thought of the giver to bestow this admirable little gallery
upon us, and not the less gratifying for being so entirely spontaneous
and unsought for. The success it has met with so far, not only from the
support which the public of West Cornwall has given it but also from the
valuable assistance of many eminent artists who have lent us interesting
works, augurs well for its future prosperity (Stanhope Forbes,
1898).
Writing in ‘The Studio’ at around the same time, Norman Garstin was much
less upbeat and optimistic: It has all come too late, the colony in
Newlyn is dispersing and some share of the blame must be taken by the
new gallery...It has seemingly led to a disintegration of the Newlyners…This
is only a coincidence, but certainly we cannot shut our eyes to the fact
that Newlyn has thinned lately – leaner by many good men and good
painters. (Cross, 1994)
In fact Newlyn, and as we shall see the adjacent smaller colony of
Lamorna, remained a centre for painting in Cornwall for many decades.
Newlyn for a while also became known for its repoussé copperwork:
hand-crafted copper domestic-ware which was produced from the early
1890s onwards. Stanhope Forbes: In the narrowest part of the little
lane there hangs a curiously fashioned sign, indicating that here an
industrial class is held. A terrible din assails your ears, and curious
to find what occasions it you enter a courtyard and climbing a steep
ladder into an old net loft find a room full of lads all busy hammering
away at curiously shaped pieces of brass or copper. Originally started
by that good friend of Newlyn, Mr Bolitho, with the co-operation of the
artists, and chief amongst them Messrs. Gotch and Percy Craft, the idea
was to find employment for the spare moments of fisher-lads and
certainly a more admirable safety valve for their superfluous energy
could not have been devised…..
But it has served another and very different purpose, and has been
the means of giving his opportunity to an artist of rare and very
individual talent. Mr J.D. Mackenzie has displayed a perfect wealth of
imagination in executing a whole series of designs for the multitude of
objects which the class and his able lieutenant Philip Hodder have
wrought in repousse work; and so the name of Newlyn has become linked
with an art other than that of painting pictures. To have introduced the
best qualities of design into some of the commonest objects of our daily
use-surely this is an achievement to be proud of, and probably no work
the colony has done will tend more to the true mission of the artist,
which is to foster and encourage the love of beauty and grace
(Stanhope Forbes, 1898).
Due to failing health Ruskin’s ‘Guild of St George’ had been only
partially successful, and it was left to William Morris, poet, designer
and socialist, to put many of his ideas into practice. Morris later
acknowledged his debt to Ruskin in the preface to the Kelmscott Press
edition of ‘The Nature of Gothic’ in 1892. The movement that was
inspired by Ruskin eventually acquired a name, after ‘The Arts and
Crafts Exhibition Society’, formed in 1887. The Society reflected the
activity of a wide number of guilds, village industries and crafts
societies across the country.
Key sources:
Forbes, Stanhope (1898)
Newlyn Retrospect (in The Cornish Magazine).
Jacobs, Michael (1985)
The Good & Simple Life: Art colonies in Europe and America
Cross, Tom (1984) The Shining
Sands
written in 2013 uploaded
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